The characteristic domestic policy of Khrushchev Brezhnev Andropov Chernenko. Konstantin Chernenko - General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee


History of Russia [for students of technical universities] Shubin Alexander Vladlenovich

§ 4. THE POLITICS OF YU. V. ANDROPOV AND K. U. CHERNENKO

Andropov believed that it was necessary to ensure the acceleration of the socio-economic development of the USSR - mainly by imposing discipline on every workplace, fighting corruption. Under Andropov, criminal cases were launched, which had previously been hampered by Brezhnev's entourage. About a fifth of the top party and state leaders were removed from their posts. A particularly wide purge took place in Uzbekistan, where major scams were uncovered in the supply of cotton. The first secretary of the republic, Sh. R. Rashidov, escaped arrest, as he died suddenly.

"Putting order" affected every Soviet person. Now the authorities carefully monitored the implementation of every instruction, even the most absurd. The police raided shops, cinemas and hairdressers, detaining anyone who could not explain why they were here during working hours.

However, Andropov understood that in this way it was only possible to a short time mobilize labor activity of workers. For a more prolonged acceleration, it was necessary to somehow interest the working people. Andropov attracted relatively young members of the Central Committee and the Politburo, such as M. S. Gorbachev and G. V. Romanov, to the development of the reform program. Gorbachev was inclined to the need to strengthen market mechanisms and weaken departmental bureaucracy, while Romanov advocated a more resolute struggle against localism and strengthening the state vertical of control.

In the summer of 1982, a special department was created in the Central Committee under the leadership of N. I. Ryzhkov to prepare the economic reform. At the beginning of 1983, Yu. V. Andropov instructed M. S. Gorbachev and N. I. Ryzhkov to start preparing an economic reform. Prominent scientists were involved in the development of the party-state course: academicians A. G. Aganbegyan, G. A. Arbatov, T. I. Zaslavskaya, O. T. Bogomolov, doctors of economic sciences L. I. Abalkin, N. Ya. Petrakov and some others whose views were mainly market-oriented. In June 1983, the Law on Labor Collectives was adopted, formally granting employees the right to participate in the management of the affairs of the enterprise. However, no real mechanism for exercising these rights was envisaged.

In order to determine more precisely how the increase in the market interest of workers in the results of their labor will affect the socialist economy, Andropov decided to conduct a large-scale experiment. For this, certain industries and large enterprises were singled out in a number of republics of the USSR. They introduced the dependence of wages on profits, and enterprises themselves could set prices and develop product samples. It was an extended version of self-financing.

February 9, 1984 Andropov died. The Politburo nominated K. U. Chernenko for the post of general secretary, whose state of health left no hope for his long reign. It was a transitional figure needed by the contenders for the highest power in the country in order to buy time to strengthen their positions.

Chernenko was an experienced CPSU apparatchik. Many saw in him a successor to the Brezhnev cause, a protege of the conservative wing of the Politburo. However, in practice, Chernenko continued many of Andropov's undertakings. Under him, investigations into corruption and abuse of officials were resumed.

Sick and weakening before our eyes, Chernenko entrusted the solution of current political and economic issues to other members of the Politburo. As the death of the next general secretary approached, the struggle for power between his “comrades-in-arms” intensified. Supporters of Andropov's continuation of the course, Ustinov and Gromyko, supported Gorbachev's candidacy for the post of party leader. Gorbachev was appointed to an important post in the apparatus of the Central Committee - he was supposed to chair the meetings of the Politburo in the absence of Chernenko. Around the second secretary of the Central Committee, a powerful coalition of regional clans of the nomenklatura, the agrarian lobby, representatives of the directors' corps and law enforcement agencies has developed. However, there were other influential contenders for the post of general secretary: Chairman of the Council of Ministers N. A. Tikhonov, an old comrade of Brezhnev, and G. V. Romanov, who was in charge of the military-industrial complex. The positions of each of the groups were not stable.

Chernenko died on March 10, 1985. At Gromyko's suggestion, Gorbachev was nominated by the Politburo for the post of general secretary. Other members of the Politburo did not dare to argue with the most influential member of the Brezhnev team. The candidacy of a relatively young and energetic party leader aroused the support of the Central Committee and high hopes in society.

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Chapter 1. Chernenko - caliph for an hour

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Chapter 12 TWO VACATIONS OF CHERNENKO After the next death in March 1985 of the next general secretary of the party Chernenko, the people liked to tell such an anecdote.

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From the book From the USSR to Russia. The history of the unfinished crisis. 1964-1994 author Boff Giuseppe

Interregnum. Andropov and Chernenko A strange fate befell Yuri Andropov. In terms of culture and ability, he undoubtedly surpassed most of his peers in the Brezhnev leadership. In the 1960s, he was favored by the intellectual reformers. But

Andropov believed that it was necessary to ensure the acceleration of the socio-economic development of the USSR - mainly by imposing discipline on every workplace, fighting corruption. Under Andropov, criminal cases were launched, which had previously been hampered by Brezhnev's entourage. About a fifth of the top party and state leaders were removed from their posts. A particularly wide purge took place in Uzbekistan, where major scams were uncovered in the supply of cotton. The first secretary of the republic, Sh. R. Rashidov, escaped arrest, as he died suddenly.

"Putting order" affected every Soviet person. Now the authorities carefully monitored the implementation of every instruction, even the most absurd. The police raided shops, cinemas and hairdressers, detaining anyone who could not explain why they were here during working hours.

However, Andropov understood that in this way it was only possible to mobilize the labor activity of workers for a short time. For a more prolonged acceleration, it was necessary to somehow interest the working people. Andropov attracted relatively young members of the Central Committee and the Politburo, such as M. S. Gorbachev and G. V. Romanov, to the development of the reform program. Gorbachev was inclined to the need to strengthen market mechanisms and weaken departmental bureaucracy, while Romanov advocated a more resolute struggle against localism and strengthening the state vertical of control.

In the summer of 1982, a special department was created in the Central Committee under the leadership of N. I. Ryzhkov to prepare the economic reform. At the beginning of 1983, Yu. V. Andropov instructed M. S. Gorbachev and N. I. Ryzhkov to start preparing an economic reform. Prominent scientists were involved in the development of the party-state course: academicians A. G. Aganbegyan, G. A. Arbatov, T. I. Zaslavskaya, O. T. Bogomolov, doctors of economic sciences L. I. Abalkin, N. Ya. Petrakov and some others whose views were mainly market-oriented. In June 1983, the Law on Labor Collectives was adopted, formally granting employees the right to participate in the management of the affairs of the enterprise. However, no real mechanism for exercising these rights was envisaged.

In order to determine more precisely how the increase in the market interest of workers in the results of their labor will affect the socialist economy, Andropov decided to conduct a large-scale experiment. For this, certain industries and large enterprises were singled out in a number of republics of the USSR. They introduced the dependence of wages on profits, and enterprises themselves could set prices and develop product samples. It was an extended version of self-financing.

February 9, 1984 Andropov died. The Politburo nominated K. U. Chernenko for the post of general secretary, whose state of health left no hope for his long reign. It was a transitional figure needed by the contenders for the highest power in the country in order to buy time to strengthen their positions.

Chernenko was an experienced CPSU apparatchik. Many saw in him a successor to the Brezhnev cause, a protege of the conservative wing of the Politburo. However, in practice, Chernenko continued many of Andropov's undertakings. Under him, investigations into corruption and abuse of officials were resumed.

Sick and weakening before our eyes, Chernenko entrusted the solution of current political and economic issues to other members of the Politburo. As the death of the next general secretary approached, the struggle for power between his “comrades-in-arms” intensified. Supporters of Andropov's continuation of the course, Ustinov and Gromyko, supported Gorbachev's candidacy for the post of party leader. Gorbachev was appointed to an important post in the apparatus of the Central Committee - he was supposed to chair the meetings of the Politburo in the absence of Chernenko. Around the second secretary of the Central Committee, a powerful coalition of regional clans of the nomenklatura, the agrarian lobby, representatives of the directors' corps and law enforcement agencies has developed. However, there were other influential contenders for the post of general secretary: Chairman of the Council of Ministers N. A. Tikhonov, an old comrade of Brezhnev, and G. V. Romanov, who was in charge of the military-industrial complex. The positions of each of the groups were not stable.

Chernenko died on March 10, 1985. At Gromyko's suggestion, Gorbachev was nominated by the Politburo for the post of general secretary. Other members of the Politburo did not dare to argue with the most influential member of the Brezhnev team. The candidacy of a relatively young and energetic party leader aroused the support of the Central Committee and high hopes in society.

CONCLUSIONS

In the second half of the 1960s. the socio-economic and political development of the USSR stabilized, which, together with the reform of 1965, gave a new impetus to economic growth. In the 1970s The bureaucratized economy of the USSR was gradually drawn into a state of crisis. It was characterized by a drop in the rate of production growth as a result of a lack of interest in efficient labor, aging equipment, a lack of wasteful resources, and an inability to meet the demands of the population, which increased and became more complex as the level of culture grew. It was becoming more and more difficult to solve foreign policy problems, since the USSR had to spend large amounts of money on the arms race.

The dominance of the conservative bureaucracy did not allow improving the current situation, since the immutability of the socio-economic structures was beneficial to it. After the death of L. I. Brezhnev in 1982, Yu. V. Andropov and his entourage made cautious attempts to transform and accelerate the development of the Soviet economy. The détente of international tension gave way to a new round of the Cold War. The USSR faced the need for changes in both domestic and foreign policy.

Chairman KGB Soviet Union, was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU November 12, 1982, a day after the death of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev from a heart attack.

Yuri Vladimirovich, as a typical "KGB officer", immediately began his activities as Secretary General by restoring order. The persecution of dissidents and all sorts of "sectarians" intensified. Most of the relaxed and overweight officials (especially representatives of the "Dnepropetrovsk mafia", that is, Brezhnev and Khrushchev's "friends" from central and eastern Ukraine) were removed from their posts, and some were sent to jail.

Yuri Andropov could well have become the person who could lead the Union out of Brezhnev's "stagnation", as well as prevent the crisis that occurred seven years later. But on February 9, 1984, the Secretary General died, according to an official statement, from kidney failure caused by long-standing kidney failure. However, according to an interview with the last KGB chairman Vladimir Kryuchkov, “ Komsomolskaya Pravda”, in 2007, Yuri Vladimirovich fought for more than 10 years with a serious illness - brain cancer, and in last days guide the disease progressed. As a result, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU shot himself.

Chernenko.

February 13, 1984 Central Committee CPSU elected Konstantin Ustinovich as Secretary General Chernenko, soft, weak and very sick person. At the time of the election, the newly minted general secretary suffered from severe heart, lung and kidney failure. However, such a candidate was beneficial to the bureaucrats from the Politburo. IN as soon as possible all the officials ousted by Andropov were returned, including representatives of the "Dnepropetrovsk clan".

Chernenko conceived several serious reforms in the sphere of labor and education, but did not have time to implement them.

After Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev died, Yu.V. Andropov. The views of this manager were very moderate. Politics Yu.V. Andropova said that over the years a huge number of unresolved problems have accumulated in the country that require immediate resolution. The support of the party and the majority of officials Yu.V. Andropov got it because he did not talk about cardinal changes in the country, but only about those minimal changes that cause the greatest anger in society. The reforms proposed by Yu.V. Andropov, were greeted with understanding by the people. Andropov did not have time to realize these plans. In February 1984 he died.

K.U. Chernenko

K.U. became the head of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Chernenko. He sought to cleanse the party of negativity, but it was during the years of K.U. Chernenko, the disintegration of the party only intensified. But this is not the direct fault of the general secretary. K.U. Chernenko was very ill and advanced in age. He spent more time in hospitals, resorts and treatment. At this time, M.S. strengthens his position in the party. Gorbachev, who began to rule the country on March 10, 1985, after the death of K.U. Chernenko.

The Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which took place in January 1987, recognized the need for new personnel for the country. To this end, mass rejuvenation of the party began. This phenomenon affected both local and higher authorities. But the problems in the country were much deeper; a simple rejuvenation of the managers of the situation could not be solved. In 1988, the next party congress took place, at which it was decided to change the electoral system in the country. In the spring of 1989, the first "democratic" elections were held. M.S. became the chairman of the government formed as a result of the elections. Gorbachev.

During the years of perestroika, the USSR made the transition to a multi-party system. Beginning in 1988, the first opposition parties began to appear in the USSR. The changes also affected the CPSU itself. The party was sharply divided into several currents. Three wings were formed: traditional, moderately renovationist and radical. As a result of the contradictions, the authority of the CPSU was undermined. People began to leave the party en masse. Between 1986 and 1991, about 15 million people left the CPSU. As a result, M.S. Gorbachev began to rapidly lose his positions.

On March 11, 1990, Lithuania, the first of the Union republics, declared independence. This threatened the very existence of the USSR. In response, tough measures were taken against Lithuania to blockade the country. Additional troops were sent to Lithuania. However, by the summer of 1991, almost all the union republics had declared their independence. M.S. Gorbachev was in a hurry to create a new union treaty. Representatives of the republics were supposed to sign this treaty on August 20. On August 19, a GKChP body was created, whose functions included stabilizing the situation in the country. However, the democratic forces in the country declared this body illegal and called on people to take to the streets in protest. On August 21, an emergency congress of the Supreme Council was convened, which declared the illegality of the actions of the State Emergency Committee, whose representatives were arrested. These events finally undermined faith in power. All union republics refused to sign the union treaty.

In December 1991, three people ended the existence of the USSR. Representatives of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus signed an act that invalidated the union treaty of 1922. The USSR ceased to exist, it was replaced by the CIS (Union of Independent States). The CIS included all the union republics except Georgia and the Baltic States. This meant the end of the existence of the USSR. Immediately after these events, M.S. Gorbachev resigned.

The leaders of the USSR during the years of perestroika planned to reform the country, but made a mistake with the methods of reform.

Yu. Andropov's Communist Party, Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko was chosen for his position. For many, this appointment was a surprise, since the new Secretary General had multiple health problems and, apparently, did not apply for this position at all. As a result, he stayed at his post for no more than a year and died of acute heart and liver failure.

Konstantin Chernenko, biography: early years of life

The future Secretary General was born in 1911 on September 11 in peasant family. He spent his childhood in the distant Siberian village of Bolshaya Tes (since 1972, it has been flooded with waters in the Yenisei province. His roots come from Little Russia (Ukraine). Back in the 18th century, Chernenko's ancestors settled on the banks of the Yenisei and began to farm. His father, Ustin Demidovich , after the death of his first wife, the mother of Konstantin and the other three children, he married a second time.But the relationship of the stepmother with two stepsons and two stepdaughters did not work out, and they had a difficult life in their father's house.As a child, Konstantin Chernenko worked as a laborer for local kulaks Like all Soviet children, he was accepted as a pioneer, and joined the Komsomol at the age of 14. And in 1926-1929 he studied at a school for rural youth in the town of Novoselovo.

Service

In 1931, K. Chernenko was drafted into the army. He was sent to one of the border military units located in Hogos, on the territory of the Soviet Republic of Kazakhstan (on the border with China). During the two years of his service, Konstantin Chernenko showed his best side more than once: he took part in the liquidation of the legendary Bekmuratov gang, became a member of the CPSU (b), was elected secretary of the party organization of the frontier post.

Carier start

Returning from the service, Chernenko was appointed director of the regional house of party education in the city of Krasnoyarsk. At the same time, he becomes the head of the agitation and propaganda department in the Novoselovsky and Uyarsky districts. After the start Patriotic War he is elected secretary of the Communist Party of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Surely many, after reading the biography of Konstantin Chernenko, will be surprised by his luck and will ask themselves: how did he manage to advance so quickly in the service? There is a version that his sister, Valentina, who was a “girlfriend” of the first secretary of the Communist Party of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, comrade O. Aristov, played a big role in this.

War and post-war years

From 1943-1945 he receives a referral to Moscow to study at high school party organizers. In a word, Konstantin Chernenko, whose photo is posted in the article, spent the entire war in the rear and did not participate in any of the hostilities. Nevertheless, during this period he received one award - “For Valiant Labor”. While still a student at the party school, he was appointed to the post of secretary of the regional committee of the Penza region, where he worked until 1948. Then from the center he receives an order to move to the Moldavian SSR and head the department of propaganda and agitation of the Central Committee of the republic.

Acquaintance with Brezhnev

In Chisinau, Chernenko meets Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev. This meeting becomes a turning point in his life. The two men begin to feel strong sympathy for each other, which soon develops into a strong friendship. After that, their career paths intertwine in the most intimate way. In 1953, at the age of 42, Chernenko graduated from the Chisinau Pedagogical Institute in absentia and received a diploma of higher education. Three years later, returning to Moscow, not without the patronage of Leonid Ilyich, he received the post of head of the propaganda department and from 1960 to 1965. head of the secretariat of the PVS of the USSR. In the same year, Chernenko became the head of the main department of the Central Committee, where he worked until 1982. In the same period, he becomes the secretary of the CP. For many members of the Central Committee, it becomes clear that the closest person to the new Secretary General is Chernenko Konstantin Ustinovich. The years were the most fruitful for him, and he ascended the career ladder almost to the very top. In addition to the positions that he officially held, he acted as the most trusted person of Leonid Ilyich. Many envied him, but also feared him.

Eminence grise

Sometimes it seemed that the country was ruled not by Brezhnev, but by Konstantin Chernenko, because it was he who performed many functions for the Secretary General. And then he was nicknamed the “grey eminence”, because they guessed that all important decisions come from him. Leonid Ilyich reckoned with his opinion in almost everything. In a word, Chernenko became an indispensable person for him. In addition, Brezhnev felt that Kostya (as he affectionately called him) did not pose any threat to his power, since he felt comfortable in the “position” of the right hand of the leader of the country.

trips

Brezhnev's dependence on Chernenko reached such proportions that he could not take a step without him. Chernenko accompanied the General Secretary on trips abroad. In 1975 they paid an official visit to Finland, and in 1979 they went to Austria. There were several more visits to socialist countries.

Personal life

K. Chernenko married twice. His first wife was Faina Vasilievna, who bore him a son and a daughter. Several years of married life showed that their marriage was a mistake, and the couple broke up. Nevertheless, Konstantin Ustinovich took care of his children, and in the future he was engaged in their career advancement. Thus, while still a very young man, his son became the 1st secretary of the city committee of the city of Tomsk. Daughter, Vera, had the opportunity to go to study in Washington. The second time Konstantin Ustinovich married in 1944. Anna Dmitrievna became his new wife. Wise, thoughtful woman. They say that she knew how to give the right advice to her husband and that it was she who contributed to the emergence of a strong friendship between Brezhnev and Chernenko.

Prophecies... belatedly

Since 1974, Brezhnev was seriously ill. And his entourage, of course, thought about who would become his successor. Since in those years Chernenko was the closest person to the Secretary General, it was he who was considered the main candidate for the post of head of state. However, when Brezhnev died in his sleep in November 1982, Gromyko and Andropov were the first to be called to him. Today, the details of the death of the Soviet leader are already known, and some details give rise to reflection. At the bed of the deceased, in a narrow circle, it was decided that Brezhnev would be replaced as Secretary General by ... no, not Chernenko, but Yuri Andropov. However, he did not have to hold this position for a long time, and a year later the prophecies came true: Konstantin Ustinovich became the head of the Soviet Union. There is a version that his election was facilitated by a decision secretly made by the “aging” Politburo, dreaming of the restoration, or rather, the resuscitation of the Brezhnev era.

Chernenko Konstantin Ustinovich: foreign and domestic policy

On February 13, 1984, two months before Yu. Andropov's death, the country learned the name of the new General Secretary. They became Konstantin Chernenko - the same gray eminence under the rule of Brezhnev. He was 73 years old and had serious health problems. Nevertheless, the new General Secretary took an active part in the creation of the new Constitution of the USSR. During the years of service to the Fatherland, he was awarded the order “ Golden Star” and the title “Hero of Socialist Labor”.

In April of the same year, after Andropov's death, he was elected chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council. In the short time of his reign, despite the frequent deterioration of his health, Chernenko still managed to commemorate him with several important events. Under him, several reforms of school education were made. September 1 in the country officially became known as the Day of Knowledge. Chernenko drew attention to the detrimental effect of Western rock music on young people, as a result, a struggle was waged in the country with amateur musical groups. As for foreign policy, then during his reign, a warming of relations with the PRC, as well as with Spain, began to be observed. For the first time in the history of diplomatic relations, the king of Spain arrived in Moscow. But with the United States, on the contrary, relations deteriorated even more. The decision was made to boycott the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles.

More details about the 390 days of his reign can be found in Viktor Pribytkov's book “Konstantin Chernenko's Apparatus”. There are many interesting facts which will shed light on that short period in

K. U. Chernenko died in the hospital in 1985, on March 10, and was the last party leader of the USSR, who was buried near the Kremlin walls.