Scientific adviser of the Higher School of Economics Evgeny Yasin. Biography of Evgeny Yasin

Yevgeny Yasin is a well-known scientist, statesman and public figure, economist, in the past - Minister of Economy Russian Federation. He is the Academic Supervisor of the Higher School of Economics and President of the Liberal Mission Foundation.

Education

In 1957 he graduated from the Odessa Hydrotechnical Institute, and in 1963 from the Faculty of Economics of the Lomonosov Moscow State University.

In 1968 he defended his Ph.D., and in 1976 - his doctoral dissertation.

Doctor of Economics, professor since 1979.

Labor activity

He began to work in 1957 as a foreman on a bridge train, in 1958-1960 he worked as an engineer at the Design Institute No. 3 of the Gosstroy of the Ukrainian SSR.

In 1964, he got a job at the Research Institute of the CSB, where he worked for nine years, first as the head of a department, then as a laboratory.

From 1973 to 1989, he headed the laboratory of the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

In 1989, he became the head of a department of the State Commission for Economic Reform under the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

In 1991, he went to work at the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR (now the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (Employers)) as General Director of the Directorate for Economic Policy.

From January 1992, he combined the duties of director of the Expert Institute of the RSPP (which he created a year earlier) with the functions of the plenipotentiary representative of the government of the RSFSR in the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation. In the same year he joined the Council for Entrepreneurship under the President of the Russian Federation.

In 1993, he began to lead a working group under the chairman of the government of the Russian Federation.

In April 1994, he was appointed head of the analytical center under the President of Russia. In November of the same year, he took the post of Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation.

In April 1997, he was appointed Minister without Portfolio for Economic Affairs, Domestic and Foreign Investments in the Russian government.

From October 1998 to the present - Scientific Director of the National Research University Higher School of Economics, Director of the Expert Institute.

Since February 2000, he has been the head of the Liberal Mission Foundation.

Until September 2007, he was a member of the federal political council of the Union of Right Forces (SPS).

Until 2012, he was a member of the management team of the Ekho Moskvy radio station as an independent director.

Member of the Public Council of the Russian Jewish Congress.

Awards

He has many awards, including the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III and IV degrees and Honor.

Laureate of the All-Russian award of financiers "Reputation" in 2015 in the nomination "Scientist of the Year".

He is the recipient of the first prize. E. T. Gaidar in the nomination "For outstanding contribution to the field of economics."

Publications

Family status

In 2012, he became a widower. Wife - Fedulova Lidia Alekseevna.

Daughter Irina Yasina (born in 1964) is an economist, publicist, human rights activist. There is a granddaughter Varvara, born in 1989.

Scientific Supervisor of the National Research University - Higher School of Economics, Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation (1994-1997)

Born May 7, 1934 in Odessa.
In 1957 he graduated from the Odessa Construction Institute with a degree in bridge construction engineer, in 1963 - the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University. In 1968, he completed postgraduate studies at the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University (the subject of his Ph.D. dissertation: "Methodological Issues of Studying and Improving the System of Economic Information in Industry"). In 1976 he defended his doctoral dissertation on the topic "Methodological problems of the study of the system of economic information." Professor.
From 1963 to 1973 he worked at the Research Institute of the Central Statistical Office of the USSR, first as a researcher, then in 1968-73 as head of department, head of laboratory.
From 1973 to 1989 he headed a laboratory at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI) of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
In 1989-91 he was the head of a department of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on economic reform ("Abalkin's commission"). In 1990, under the leadership of Grigory Yavlinsky and Stanislav Shatalin, he participated in the development of the 500 Days program, and then developed his own program for the transition to the market, which he proposed as an alternative to the Ryzhkov-Abalkin program and which the leaders of the USSR spoke of as super-radical.
Yasin could not work in the government of Valentin Pavlov and went to the Expert Institute created by Volsky especially for Yasin.
In May 1991 he became director general of the Directorate for Economic Policy of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP) Arkady Volsky, from December 1991 to April 1994 he was simultaneously director of the RSPP Expert Institute.
In 1992 he was a member of the Council for the Development of Entrepreneurship under the Government of the Russian Federation.
From 1992 he worked in the apparatus of the Government and the President of Russia, from January 1992 to 1993 he was the representative of the Government in the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.
In February 1993, he took part in roundtable meetings to develop recommendations for anti-crisis measures and reform development programs with the participation of government members, scientists, entrepreneurs, industrialists, politicians, the military, etc.
In 1993, under the leadership of Yasin, a program of selective support for industry was developed, adopted by the government and then used as a theoretical argument for the resignation of Yegor Gaidar (Gaidar and his supporters did not object to Yasin's program, but demanded that the mechanisms for its implementation be specified).
In November 1993 he was included in the list of candidates for deputies State Duma from the Association of Independent Professionals (leader Pyotr Filippov), who did not collect the 100,000 signatures necessary to participate in the elections.
In April 1994, he was appointed head of the Analytical Center as part of the Analytical Service (chairman - the then head of the presidential administration, Sergei Filatov).
On November 7, 1994, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation in the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin (instead of Alexander Shokhin, who had resigned).
In his first television interview as Minister of Economy, he said that the state does not have money to finance such projects as the reconstruction of the demolished Cathedral of Christ the Savior. The Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church Alexy II and Moscow Mayor Luzhkov (who, when starting construction, promised to build it exclusively on donations from believers and the city treasury).
On July 25, 1996, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed a member of the Defense Council of the Russian Federation.
Since September 9, 1996 - member of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on operational issues.
By Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1428 of October 11, 1996, he was approved as a member of the Temporary Extraordinary Commission under the President of the Russian Federation to strengthen tax and budgetary discipline.
In accordance with the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 26, 1996, he was approved as the chairman of the Russian part of the intergovernmental commissions for trade, economic, scientific and technical cooperation between the Russian Federation and Austria.
By Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 250 of March 17, 1997, he was dismissed from the post of Minister of Economy "in connection with the transfer to another job."
In the government of the Russian Federation, reorganized in March 1997, he remained as a federal minister for special assignments. He is also a leading consultant on further improvement of economic reforms in Russia. Supervises scientific and educational institutions under the Government (Academy of National Economy, Financial Academy).
In 1991-92, he criticized plans for privatization both through nominal checks (the program of the Supreme Council) and unnamed vouchers (the program of the State Property Committee), but later, in the summer of 1994, in an interview with the newspaper Russkaya Thought, he recognized "a number of positive aspects" of voucher privatization, first turn what she "basically accomplished... main task- ... transfer state property in a state of crisis to other owners without causing a social explosion. Regarding the post-voucher stage of privatization, from the very beginning, Yasin was in full agreement with Anatoly Chubais: most enterprises cannot be sold for a high price, they should be sold at the prices that they give, up to symbolic ones - as an example, Yasin cited the sale of enterprises of the former GDR to new owners for 1 mark, subject to the preservation of jobs by the new owner.
Yasin considers the aerospace and aviation industries to be priority areas in the economy. He advocates the abolition of quotas and licenses for the export of oil and the introduction instead of them of a single export duty for all.
Co-Chairman of the Foundation of the Economic Forum of Regions "For Sustainable Development".
Speaks English.
Married. Has a daughter.

Mikhail Khazin considers Yevgeny Yasin one of the liberals in the economy (followers of Gaidar's shock methods of managing the economy) who are unable to assess the current (changed) model of the functioning of the economy.

Evgeny Grigoryevich Yasin - 4th Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation
November 8, 1994 - March 17, 1997
President: Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin
Birth: 7 May 1934
Odessa, Ukrainian SSR, USSR
Children: Irina Yasina
Party: SPS
Education: 1) Odessa Hydrotechnical Institute
2) Moscow State University
Academic degree: Doctor of Economic Sciences

Evgeny Grigorievich Yasin(born May 7, 1934, Odessa, USSR) - Russian economist and public figure, scientific director of the National Research University Higher School of Economics. President of the Liberal Mission Foundation.

Evgeny Yasin's education

In 1957 he graduated from the Odessa Hydrotechnical Institute, and in 1963 from the Faculty of Economics of the Moscow state university them. M. V. Lomonosov.

In 1968 Evgeny Yasin defended his PhD thesis.

Since 1976 Evgeny Yasin- Doctor of Economic Sciences, professor since 1979.

My labor activity started in 1957 as a foreman on a bridge train, in 1958-1960 - an engineer at Design Institute No. 3 of the Gosstroy of the Ukrainian SSR.

From 1964 to 1973 Evgeny Yasin worked at the Research Institute of the CSB as the head of the department, then the head of the laboratory.

From 1973 to 1989 Evgeny Yasin worked as head of the laboratory of the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

In 1989 Evgeny Yasin became the head of the department of the State Commission for Economic Reform under the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

In 1991 Evgeny Yasin moved to the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR - now the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (Employers) - General Director of the Directorate for Economic Policy. In November 1991 he created the RSPP Expert Institute.

Since January 1992, he combined the work of the director of the Expert Institute of the RSPP with the duties of the plenipotentiary representative of the Government of the RSFSR in the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.

In 1992 Evgeny Yasin- Member of the Council for Entrepreneurship under the President of the Russian Federation.

In 1993 he was appointed head of the working group under the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, took an active part in the development of economic programs.

April 1994 Evgeny Yasin Headed the Analytical Center under the President of the Russian Federation.

In November 1994 he was appointed Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation.

In April 1997, he was appointed Minister without Portfolio for Economic Affairs, Domestic and Foreign Investments in the Government of the Russian Federation. From October 1998 to the present - Scientific Director of the National Research University Higher School of Economics, Director of the Expert Institute.

Since February 2000 Evgeny Yasin Head of the Liberal Mission Foundation.

Until September 2007, he was a member of the Federal Political Council of the Union of Right Forces, but after the decree (No. 1310 of September 28, 2007) of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin on approval as a member of the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation, he suspended membership in the party.

August 2007 Evgeny Yasin- Publication of the book "The Face of the Union of Right Forces".

Until 2012, he was a member of the board of directors of the Ekho Moskvy radio station as an independent director. Radio journalists expressed regret that Evgeny Yasin was not proposed by the controlling shareholder, Gazprom-Media, to the new board of directors and it is expected that he will enter the supervisory board and continue to work on the development of the radio station.
Family

Daughter, Irina Yasina, (b.1964), - economist, publicist, human rights activist; granddaughter Varvara (b.1989).
Awards

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2012)
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (2002)
Order of Honor (2009)
Prize to them. E.T. Gaidar

Bibliography of Evgeny Yasin

Monographs by Evgeny Yasin

Information theory and economic research. - M.: Statistics, 1970.
Evgeny Yasin- Economic information. - M.: Statistics, 1974.
Economic systems and radical reform. - M.: Economics, 1989.
non-market sector. Structural reforms and economic growth. - M.: Liberal Mission Foundation, 2003.
Evgeny Yasin - New era- old worries: Political economy. - M.: New publishing house, 2004. - 320 p. - ISBN 5-98379-015-3.
New era - old worries: Economic policy. - M.: New publishing house, 2004. - 456 p. - ISBN 5-98379-016-1.
Will democracy take root in Russia. - M.: New publishing house, 2005. - 384 p. - ISBN 5-98379-056-0 (pdf).
Evgeny Yasin- Will democracy take root in Russia. - 2nd ed., expanded, add. - M.: Liberal mission, New Literary Review, 2012. - 864 p. - 2000 copies. - ISBN 5-86793-937-3
Political economy and housing and communal services reforms. - M.: Liberal Mission Foundation, 2006.
Modernization of Russia. Reports for 10 conferences. In 2 books. - M.: Publishing House of the State University Higher School of Economics, 2009. - 468 p. - ISBN 978-5-7598-0674-5, ISBN 978-5-7598-0672-1.

Evgeny Grigorievich Yasin(born May 7, 1934, Odessa) - Russian scientist-economist, statesman and public figure, Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation (from 1994 to 1997), scientific director of the National Research University Higher School of Economics. President of the Liberal Mission Foundation.

Biography

In 1957 he graduated from the Odessa Hydrotechnical Institute, and in 1963 from the Faculty of Economics of the Moscow State University. M. V. Lomonosov.

He began his career in 1957 as a foreman on a bridge train, in 1958-1960 he was an engineer at Design Institute No. 3 of the Gosstroy of the Ukrainian SSR.

From 1964 to 1973 he worked at the Research Institute of the Central Statistical Bureau as the head of the department, then the head of the laboratory.

In 1968 he defended his PhD thesis.

From 1973 to 1989 he worked as the head of the laboratory of the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

Since 1976 Doctor of Economics, since 1979 Professor.

In 1989, he became the head of a department of the State Commission for Economic Reform under the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

In 1991, he moved to the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR - now the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (Employers) - as the General Director of the Directorate for Economic Policy. In November 1991 he created the RSPP Expert Institute.

In 1992 - Member of the Council for Entrepreneurship under the President of the Russian Federation.

In 1993 he was appointed head of the working group under the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, took an active part in the development of economic programs.

In April 1994, he headed the Analytical Center under the President of the Russian Federation.

In November 1994 he was appointed Minister of Economy of the Russian Federation.

Since February 2000, he has been the head of the Liberal Mission Foundation.

Until 2012, he was a member of the board of directors of the Ekho Moskvy radio station as an independent director. The journalists of the radio station expressed regret that Yasin was not proposed by the controlling shareholder, Gazprom-Media, to the new board of directors and expect that he will join the supervisory board and continue to work on the development of the radio station.[specify]

By conviction - an atheist.

In his opinion, the "irresponsible financial policy of the United States" led to the global economic crisis (2008).

Member of the Public Council of the Russian Jewish Congress.

Criticism

During an interview with the Echo of Moscow radio station on April 23, 2012, Evgeny Yasin expressed the opinion that the war in South Ossetia occurred “because of some nonsense.” Yasin's statement was criticized by some Russian politicians. So, the first deputy chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee of the Russian Federation, Sergei Zhigarev, called Yasin's words "stupidity." BUT Chief Editor In the National Defense magazine, a member of the Public Council under the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, Colonel of the Reserve Igor Korotchenko, stated that "on the part of Russia, this war was fair, legal."

Family

Wife - Yasina (Fedulova) Lidia Alekseevna (1939-2012).

Daughter, Irina Yasina (born 1964) - economist, publicist, human rights activist. granddaughter - Varvara (born 1989).

Awards

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2012)
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (2002)
Order of Honor (2009)
Prize to them. E. T. Gaidara
Laureate of the All-Russian award of financiers "Reputation" in 2015 in the nomination "Scientist of the Year".

Bibliography

August 2007 - publication of the book "The Face of the Union of Right Forces".

Monographs

Information theory and economic research. - M.: Statistics, 1970.
Economic information. - M.: Statistics, 1974.
Economic systems and radical reform. - M.: Economics, 1989.
non-market sector. Structural reforms and economic growth. - M.: Liberal Mission Foundation, 2003.
New Era - Old Anxieties: Political Economy. - M.: New publishing house, 2004. - 320 p. - ISBN 5-98379-015-3.
New Era - Old Anxieties: Economic Policy. - M.: New publishing house, 2004. - 456 p. - ISBN 5-98379-016-1.
Will democracy take root in Russia. - M.: New publishing house, 2005, - 384 p. - ISBN 5-98379-039-0; 2006. - 384 p. - ISBN 5-98379-056-0 (pdf).
Will democracy take root in Russia. - 2nd ed., expanded, add. - M.: Liberal mission, New Literary Review, 2012. - 864 p. - 2000 copies. - ISBN 5-86793-937-3
Political economy and housing and communal services reforms. - M.: Liberal Mission Foundation, 2006.
Modernization of Russia. Reports for 10 conferences. In 2 books. - M.: Publishing House of the State University Higher School of Economics, 2009. - 468 p. - ISBN 978-5-7598-0674-5, ISBN 978-5-7598-0672-1.
The Russian economy on the eve of recovery. - M .: Publishing house of the State University Higher School of Economics, 2012. - 336 pp. ISBN 978-5-87591-150-7

Tutorials

Russian economy. Origins and panorama of market reforms: a course of lectures. - M.: GU-VSHE, 2002. - 437 p. - ISBN 5-7598-0113-9.

In the year of the landmark anniversary, one of the most respected liberal economists told Novaya Gazeta about what is happening with the national economy, how to stop it lagging behind world trends, and why public sector salaries need to be raised by at least a third. Interview of the scientific director of the Higher School of Economics Yevgeny Yasin to the special correspondent of the Novaya Gazeta newspaper Pavel Kanygin.

— EVgeny Grigorievich, what do you think about the fourth term of Vladimir Putin?

- In my opinion, the fourth (even rather fifth) term will be very difficult. The country needs serious reforms and solutions. And, in my opinion, these decisions for the most part not to his taste. I don’t really want to predict something about our president, because we have him a person who tries not to be guessed. The most negative scenario is if the inertial development model that has been going on in the country since 2003 is continued. With elements of a mobilization economy, with an emphasis on the military industry, when military spending accounts for 5% of the budget. Why such serious expenses - this I can not understand. Probably, the president himself understands this better, but I, as an economist, do not understand.

- Pumping money into the military-industrial complex can, in principle, become a driver of the Russian economy, as, for example, in Israel?

- Well, Israel is a besieged fortress. We kind of want to appear like that too, but this is impossible in reality. Russia is too big country. And then, in fact, no one is going to attack us, and everyone knows this very well. But a big country doesn't have big successes. Of the economic successes, we see only the work of the Central Bank - it established a floating exchange rate, in the midst of the crisis was able to stop the fall of the ruble and achieved stabilization on financial market, then over the next years reduced inflation to a level that is normal for any civilized country. This is a victory, at least not of the caliber that allows us to say that everything will be fine with the Russian economy in the future. We see that the business climate in Russia is not improving in any way. The conflict between the Rosneft of the powerful Sechin and the Sistema of the old regime Yevtushenkov, the Belykh case, the Ulyukaev case, where the same Sechin is involved, and so on - we can’t get away from the archaic “he who is stronger is right.” For business, for a breakthrough in the economy, such an environment is unfavorable. This is the inertial scenario. Therefore, by the end of this year, after a serious drop in 2015 and 2016, we will see weak growth of only 2% of GDP, and maybe even lower.

Is two percent bad?

— Of course, because we are lagging behind even the world economy, not to mention the global locomotives. The world is now growing at 3-3.5%, if we take the average. And, for example, China is 6% growth, India is 7%, the United States has a growth rate of more than 3%, developed European countries also increased the pace, and we, in general, are at a rather low level. The lagging process is quite pronounced, and I draw your attention to the fact that this year, when we finally saw some kind of recovery, there was also an increase in oil prices - we held negotiations with Saudi Arabia, with OPEC, cut production, and prices went up . So, again, oil saves us.

- But the government says that dependence on oil is falling, Prime Minister Medvedev repeats that the share of oil revenues in the budget has dropped to almost 30%.

- The influence of petrodollars is nevertheless very large. Prices have risen from $45 to almost $65 per barrel, so consider how much your budget has increased.

— That is, theoretically, if prices rise again to a record $100, then the Russian economy will again grow by 7-8%?

“Never will be if we don’t change her way of life. We are facing difficult years, when, as demographers have long predicted, the population will decline and the labor force will shrink, while the number of retirees will only increase. This means that we need a radical increase in labor productivity and the quality of human capital. After all, the area of application of human knowledge is now becoming a source of growth. The driver of the economy is a person, not minerals.

- Here, by the way, there are also problems. Studies show that Russians are pretty bad with competencies: universities do not train qualified specialists for modern industries, and people themselves lack the so-called growth values. As a result, the number of people employed in innovative sectors is two times lower than in the USA, Germany and Israel. At the same time, the number of people who work as sellers, drivers and security guards is higher than in the same States and Western European countries.

- The popularity of the profession of a security guard is also such an indicator of the trust of people in society. As for trade: yes, it occupies a large number of people, and labor productivity is not the highest there. And what is needed for us to master new industries and move forward the same digitalization? In addition to funding science and innovation, supporting small businesses, start-ups? Here we have a problem with education, there are only how strong world-class universities are, and most of them are weak, provincial universities, and something needs to be done actively so that good personnel grow in the regions. So that people from all over the world come to us to study and after that stay to work, and not our citizens run away from here. So that science is respected and generously provided, as if Korolev is working in it now. It's hard work, expensive and far more important to the country than defense or security forces. The question here is not even about money, but primarily about institutional changes. In addition to education, changes are needed in the judicial system, which should be a shield for citizens, including the most enterprising and independent. After all, the system that we have is focused on fulfilling the instructions of the authorities, investigative and law enforcement agencies, on interpreting the law in an appropriate way. And the situation in our courts is such that they, apparently, also lack qualifications. Not those people who really broke the law, but those whom it is easier for the security forces to hide, get on the bench. And the courts, by their decisions, reinforce the monstrous unprofessionalism of the investigation. People have absolutely no confidence in the court. If you ask entrepreneurs, few will say it directly, but what they really think is shown by their behavior. Where do they invest, where do they live, where do their children study. In the 1990s, we tried to make Russia a country with a market economy, we counted on the fact that we would have the opportunity to somehow adapt to the world economy, to participate in the global movement ...

“But didn’t they settle down, Evgeny Grigorievich?”

- But the entire Russian establishment is there ... You yourself said that their assets, relatives, are abroad. And the way of life in general...

- The establishment is there to graze their money and to save their capital, which here can fall in value. And here their capital does not give the country anything to solve the problems that we are talking about ... Naturally, in order to bring them back here, institutional changes are needed. In addition to the judiciary, a transformation is needed local government, it is necessary to endow them with high independence so that voters feel that their votes influence the decisions of local authorities. To do this, they must be financially self-sufficient. In the meantime, local authorities live off the funds that they receive on an optional basis, and they are quite indifferent to the people who live around them and who pay taxes. It is necessary to resolve the issue with the federation, expanding the independence of the regions: not to take all the money from them, as the center does, but to give them the opportunity to pursue an independent policy based on their capabilities. The system must be in good shape and constantly change. So far, we see only an increase in bureaucracy. There is a power bureaucracy, there is a civil one, and all of them are focused on curbing this or that activity and independence of people, business, giving rise to corruption, the general backwardness of the country.

- There is an opinion that corruption is such a cement that keeps Russia from disintegration: they say, if you start fighting, everything will crumble. What do you think?

That's what the bribe-takers themselves say. But business must understand that corruption solves the problem only in the short term, and in the end, free competition and the market always win. We need to learn to think years ahead.

— But what if people are already accustomed to living like this and cannot and do not want to do it differently?

Yes, everyone seems to be used to it. But I'm sure it's not forever. If you decide to change the situation and climate and gradually (without revolutionary impulses) increase the presence of the free market in our lives, reduce the bureaucracy, put the security forces in strict limits, if citizens and business see the positive from these steps (and it will certainly be), then further changes will go faster. Citizens will begin to join the process of transformation themselves. Yes, I would like everything to happen quickly, but these types of changes take a long time, so they need to be launched without delay. I am by nature an optimist. I know that lately Putin has again attracted [to work] Kudrin, other people, we have done a lot of work, and Putin has our proposals on what needs to be done, cautious, without extremes. We'll see. True, he receives proposals not only from Kudrin's team. I suspect there are others out there. Let's see, the situation is complicated.

— There is a lot of talk about the fact that taxes and the retirement age may be raised after the elections. What do you think about it?

— I believe that along with the increase in the retirement age, it is necessary to increase the pensions themselves. In general, wages need to be raised sharply.

- To whom?

- Budgetary sectors in those industries where wages are low. The approximate scale of the increase is somewhere around 30%.

- Why? For what? And how will it help the economy?

- At the expense of what: at the expense of the money that employers pay for their employees to various funds and budgets - to the Pension Fund, healthcare, education, social assistance, and so on. This is approximately 30% of the salary of each employee. Employers do not care where to pay this money, it is, on the contrary, like a burden. Employees who get paid don't care either. Because they have a 13% income tax, and they think that the rest of the payments do not concern them. And here I say: let's take this money (even if not all, but at least part of it) and give it to workers to raise wages. At the same time, employees will have to pay their own current pension savings and choose health insurance. What will the economy gain from this, you ask? A lot of things! People will be included in economic activity, they will be responsible for their expenses and think for the future, they will be full masters of themselves. Gradually, their civic consciousness, requirements for the state will also change ...

- Do you want to re-educate and accustom a huge class of state employees to the market?

- That's right, let them also become investors, invest in accumulative funds, pension funds and so on. Let people start looking for the best way to use their finances to be secure in retirement. This will solve the problem, if you like, of parting with our system from the Soviet past and market economy. You will say: yes, this is very cruel behavior! But this behavior is the same throughout the developed world! And if you turn to Germany and look at the ratio of contributions to their social funds, you will see: fifty-fifty, employers pay 50%, employees pay 50%. Another example is Israel, 5-6 years ago they also introduced a similar system, and workers themselves pay 30%, that is, taking care of their income and expenses, they participate in the economy. Citizens in such a situation are more active, they reflect, make decisions, weigh. We are already partially using this activity of citizens, because they come to the store, think: what to buy, what not to buy, what to save on, what they like where, and we see that people seem to pay less, but live from the point of view of what -something of their needs is better. But at the same time, we also have some kind of Soviet model, when the state remains the main economic player. That part of the economy that concerns the entire budget system is mostly Soviet.

- The things you are talking about: risk, independence, activity - are still completely unpopular in the country. These qualities are still associated with the era of the 90s, which are demonized in the mass consciousness.

— Yes, although everything that we have now was founded in the 90s and made by Gaidar, Chubais and others. This always happens, the results of reforms are not immediately visible, they are seen by the next generations.

- And what will the next generation see if no reforms take place?

- The market is slowly, of course, still making its way. It is wrong to say that nothing is being done. As I said, I like what Nabiullina and her employees are doing in central bank. Siluanov's work in the Ministry of Finance is also quite good, he is in his place. Although there are a lot of other things that they cannot do, they are preparing the ground so that when the main force starts to move, everything will gradually turn on and play like clockwork ... There is such a big triangle: freedom, responsibility, trust. Responsibility is the result of freedom. Because if you agree on something and then fulfill your obligations, it means that a person realizes his freedom. All people who live in a market economy (in developed countries this can be seen) fulfill their contractual obligations. Doing them builds trust. And this trust encourages freedom and makes people's behavior in the economy and in politics more active. Activity also creates an upsurge in the economy.

- Do you want to say that Siluanov and Nabiullina prepared a technical springboard for a breakthrough, despite the stagnation and mobilization bias?

Yes, they do their job as best they can. I do not have the courage to say to Siluanov: “Stop robbing people in the end, give them the opportunity to invest, and so that payments to the budget do not increase.” He does his job, does what is necessary to ensure the activities of the state. After all, he does not decide how much the state will spend on the army or the defense industry, or law enforcement agencies. But he is trying to make sure that the state has reserves for development.

Let's say your triangle starts to work. How quickly can we see results?

“I’ll tell you this: you have to start. And we'll see. If the reforms do not cause unpleasant consequences, it will be possible to accelerate. You can, of course, take and arrange a revolution: throw these off, put those on, but do you think that everything will immediately change for the better? I do not believe in this. The main revolutionary changes are behind, if you haven't noticed, and they already took place in the 90s. And if you start a revolution again...

“So it won’t be fast.”

- My dear, you understand that there are two types of reforms: the first is when you liberalize prices in a few months, and the second is when you make the Basman courts fair and independent and provide a favorable environment for this transformation. Do you think these two reforms will proceed at the same speed? With different! But, of course, people expect that the path to a brighter future is short. Many people were dissatisfied with the government of Gaidar, Yeltsin, entrepreneurs were dissatisfied, because everything was very slow, because people like Berezovsky, Potanin came to power. And on the other hand: there were negative moods in the army, in law enforcement agencies. Everything was not easy. The country has experienced global, difficult changes. But this stage has been passed, the system has changed. But how long will it take now for people themselves to change their habits and values? After all, they don't change that quickly. But I have no doubt that you will see how this happens, I will not live, but you will see. The main thing is to start as soon as possible.