PRES calls itself the party of Russian statehood. Its program provisions emphasize the principles of Russia's unity and integrity.

Shakhrai's party is rather moderate, prone to evolutionary methods of development, more shifted to the center.

Who supports

FORMALLY, the December elections will show how widely the party is supported. If we analyze the data of sociologists, then according to one of the latest polls, PRES entered the top three. An important indicator was the collection of signatures for the registration of electoral associations. The party, which was then barely a month old, collected more than 370 thousand signatures in almost all regions of Russia, coming in second place after the Agrarian Party.

But something else is more important. The PRES enjoys the support of non-communist-minded regional administrations and elites, including entrepreneurial ones. They are attracted by the predictable economic and national policy proposed by the PRES, and the order in the country. When it becomes bad for VAZ, they believe, it means that something needs to be corrected in the economic course. The Zhiguli is undoubtedly an outdated car, but money is also needed to develop a new model, and if the VAZ stops without funds, then there will be neither a new nor an old model.

This logic is very close to both state and private business circles. Leaves the current course of reform undeniable, but requires a selective approach in order to avoid a general stupor of production - both in industry and in the countryside. That is why among the supporters of the PRES dominated by representatives not of trade and intermediary, but of production capital, a considerable number of leaders of state industry and the largest private companies.

There is also, according to some reports, tacit support for PRES by line ministers and even the prime minister.

Who opposes

Oddly enough, despite the fact that among the leaders of the party there are two deputy prime ministers and ministers of the current cabinet, PRES does not experience such harsh criticism as Russia's Choice. True, the figures of the second echelon of the same "Russia's Choice" accuse Shakhrai of "non-democratism" and other sins, alluding almost to the "communism" of the PRES.

PRES was also opposed by some journalists who clearly support other blocs.

Non-democratic parties and blocs have a rather restrained position - without support, but without attacks either, apparently due to the fact that these competitors are afraid of offending provincial voters who sympathize with the PRES.

True, some observers explain the absence of serious criticism by the fact that today the PRES is not perceived as a powerful force. Indeed, the party, which is only two months old, will become a real threat to others only in the next elections. And now the main task- go to the State Duma and show yourself worthy there.

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PRES LEADERS call it the "party of the provinces," but it should be noted that its appearance is shaped by "provincials" - professionals who have already partly made their destiny, their careers. They are less concerned about obtaining parliamentary benefits, and more about the desire to help their region or ... take the next step into power. A typical example of this was the head of the PRES himself. vice premier Sergei Shakhrai, a native of the Cossack south of Russia.

The leaders of the PRES, as a party of regions, would like it to be associated with the image of a stable, somewhat conservative, but good-natured province - without all this metropolitan fancy and frills. Her voter is a kind of factory man from some Novo-Sovietskaya street in some Debriansk, with his wife and two kids, with beer after work and TV in the evenings, with cares for his old people and a small garden with potatoes for the winter ... But how once with the provincial leaders, the party is tight. The capital's minions of fate - A. Shokhin, S. Stankevich, K. Zatulin - do not really fit into such a picture.

And more about the leaders on the TV screen. Sometimes one gets the impression of some super-solidity, monumentality. It seems that Sergei Shakhrai and his comrades are not being elected to the State Duma, but are already participating in the struggle for the presidency.

Seat in the Federal Assembly

IF there were reasons to believe that the current electoral associations would remain after the elections to the Federal Assembly, then objectively the PRES could take places slightly to the right of Yavlinsky and slightly to the left of Volsky. However, there is a high probability that Russia's Choice, as a mere pre-election bloc, will break up into a number of small factions and individual deputies immediately after the start of the parliament's work. And those, in turn, will disperse throughout the political space - as it was already with "DemRossiya".

The same evolution can be expected from other pre-election coalitions. PRES, on the other hand, declares that it is marching as a party with a single program and mandatory discipline. And in this capacity, it will most likely confront the organized forces of the opposite direction: the Communist Party, the agrarians, the Liberal Democratic Party.

Leaders

The NATIONAL FEDERAL list from PRES includes 200 almost 200 candidates. Among them are such well-known persons as S. Shakhrai, A. Shokhin, K. Zatulin, G. Melikyan, R. Abdulatipov, S. Stankevich and others. The majority on the list are heads and employees of local administrations, ministers, industrialists and entrepreneurs, lawyers and economists.

Motto:

Notable party personalities

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Notes

An excerpt characterizing the Party of Russian Unity and Accord (fraction)

The emperor, without waiting for an answer, turned away and, driving off, turned to one of the chiefs:
“Let them take care of these gentlemen and take them to my bivouac; have my doctor Larrey examine their wounds. Goodbye, Prince Repnin, - and he, having touched the horse, galloped on.
There was a radiance of self-satisfaction and happiness on his face.
The soldiers who brought Prince Andrei and removed from him the golden icon that they came across, hung on his brother by Princess Marya, seeing the kindness with which the emperor treated the prisoners, hastened to return the icon.
Prince Andrei did not see who and how put it on again, but on his chest, over and above his uniform, suddenly appeared a small icon on a small gold chain.
“It would be nice,” thought Prince Andrei, looking at this icon, which his sister hung on him with such feeling and reverence, “it would be nice if everything was as clear and simple as it seems to Princess Marya. How good it would be to know where to look for help in this life and what to expect after it, there, beyond the grave! How happy and calm I would be if I could say now: Lord, have mercy on me!... But to whom shall I say this! Either the power - indefinite, incomprehensible, which I not only cannot address, but which I cannot express in words - great everything or nothing, - he said to himself, - or this is the God who is sewn up here, in this palm, Princess Mary? Nothing, nothing is true, except for the insignificance of everything that is clear to me, and the greatness of something incomprehensible, but the most important!
The stretcher moved. At every push he again felt unbearable pain; the feverish state intensified, and he began to become delirious. Those dreams of a father, wife, sister and future son and the tenderness that he experienced on the night before the battle, the figure of a small, insignificant Napoleon and above all the high sky, constituted the main basis of his feverish ideas.
A quiet life and calm family happiness in the Bald Mountains seemed to him. He was already enjoying this happiness when suddenly little Napoleon appeared with his indifferent, limited and happy look from the misfortune of others, and doubts, torments began, and only heaven promised peace. By morning all the dreams were mixed up and merged into chaos and darkness of unconsciousness and oblivion, which, in the opinion of Larrey himself, Dr. Napoleon, were much more likely to be resolved by death than by recovery.
- C "est un sujet nerveux et bilieux," said Larrey, "il n" en rechappera pas. [This man is nervous and bilious, he will not recover.]
Prince Andrei, among other hopelessly wounded, was handed over to the care of the inhabitants.

At the beginning of 1806, Nikolai Rostov returned on vacation. Denisov was also going home to Voronezh, and Rostov persuaded him to go with him to Moscow and stay at their house. At the penultimate station, having met a comrade, Denisov drank three bottles of wine with him and, approaching Moscow, despite the bumps in the road, did not wake up, lying at the bottom of the sledge, near Rostov, which, as it approached Moscow, came more and more into impatience.
“Soon? Is it soon? Oh, these unbearable streets, shops, rolls, lanterns, cabbies! thought Rostov, when they had already written down their holidays at the outpost and drove into Moscow.

The founding congress was held on October 17, 1993
Registered on October 21, 1993 (N 1966)
Date of registration of the charter October 14, 1998
Governing Body - Political Council
Chairman - SHAKHRAY Sergey Mikhailovich
Tel: 720-53-76, 289-96-35, 289-96-16, 203-83-36
Headquarters address:
107005, Moscow, st. Baumanskaya, 50/2

The PRES proclaims a strong regional policy, the independence of the regions, and the responsibility of the federal authorities.

In the field of economics, PRES advocates the development of competition and private entrepreneurial initiative, the modernization of industry, a selective structural policy, recognizes "reasonable protectionism" from the state, and support for exports.

The PRES stands for the strengthening of the CIS. The immediate goal is the restoration of a common economic space and the restoration of economic ties in the territory former USSR.

The main objectives of the statutory activity:
- promoting the participation of citizens who share the goals of the party, in political life society, ensuring the professionalism of politicians, ensuring the principles of political ethics in the activities of party bodies and authorities;

The revival of Russia as a great power, the unity, integrity and power of which is based on the spiritual and historical community of the peoples inhabiting it, ensuring their equality and self-determination within the Russian Federation;

Contributing to the expansion of the competence of regional bodies in ensuring the common economic space of Russia and the all-Russian market;

Orientation social policy to achieve a higher quality of life with the priority task of creating stable economic and legal conditions and guarantees for the disabled part of the population;

Facilitating the creation of additional state incentives for those types of entrepreneurship that can best provide employment for the least protected from unemployment segments of the population (youth, women, the disabled).

Sovereign republics and other independent regions are politically and economically interested in united Russia, a strong center that multiplies the strength of each of them.

The Russian question is especially important. The preservation and strengthening of the federal state depends on the national well-being of Russians. The culture of the people is preserved by the province, to which the main funds allocated for cultural development should be addressed.

The Party of Russian Unity and Accord (PRES) was created in 1993 under the slogans of federalism and observance of the economic rights of the regions, but in fact it was a departmental party of the Ministry of Nationalities and Federation Affairs, headed by Sergei Shakhrai.

On August 17, 1993, the founding conference of the PRES was held in Novgorod. The program principles were adopted, the Federal Council of the PRES was elected, which included S. Shakhrai, Alexander Shokhin, Ramazan Abdulatipov, Alexander Kotenkov, Sergei Stankevich, Mikhail Prusak (head of the Novgorod regional administration), Petr Premyak (Chairman of the Kamchatka Regional Council), Vladimir Saganov (Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Buryatia), etc.

On October 26, 1993, the Federal Council of the PRES put forward a federal list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma. The Association "Entrepreneurs for a New Russia" (leader - Konstantin Zatulin) informally joined the PRES electoral association. The list includes 4 ministers (S. Shakhrai, A. Shokhin, Yuri Kalmykov, Gennady Melikyan).

During the 1993 election campaign, the PRES presented itself as a conservative alternative to the Russia's Choice bloc. S. Shakhrai proclaimed full support for the activities of Prime Minister V. Chernomyrdin and promised that after the elections the PRES would become the leading force in the formation of a new government. Despite the support of the decree of 1400 on the dissolution of the parliament in the documents of the PRES, the leadership of the party and its electoral list included not only recent supporters of the dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies (Yu. Kalmykov), but also participants in the parliamentary resistance (R. Abdulatipov).

In the 1993 elections, the PRES list received 3,620,035 votes (6.73%) and 18 seats in State Duma across the federal district. Four PRES nominees were elected in single member constituencies. 5 then members of the PRES were elected deputies of the Federation Council.

On February 26-27, 1994, the I Congress of the PRES was held, at which S. Shakhrai was re-elected its chairman, a new composition of the Federal Council was approved, the Presidium of the Federal Council was elected, and the Basic provisions of the program were adopted.

In 1994-95 the party went into decline. The PRES faction in the State Duma of the first convocation initially consisted of 30 deputies, with a maximum of 33. In 1994, K. Zatulin was expelled from the PRES faction and the Presidium of the Federal Council of the PRES. At the end of 1994, the former Minister of Justice Yu. Kalmykov left the PRES, not agreeing with the party's approval of a military solution to the Chechen problem. In May 1995, A. Shokhin left. By the autumn of 1995, there were 15 deputies left in the PRES faction.

Having taken part in April - May 1995 in the creation of the movement "Our Home - Russia" (NDR) as a collective member, the PRES withdrew from it in early September 1995. On September 16, 1995, the II Congress of the PRES took place, at which lists of candidates for deputies of the State Duma.

The PRES list received 245,977 votes (0.36% - 26th out of 43). Shakhrai himself was elected from the press in the majoritarian constituency, the chairman of the executive committee of the PRES, Alexander Arinin, was elected in the district as an independent candidate, a member of the PRES, Insaf Saifullin, was elected from the NDR list. Shakhrai joined the Russian Regions deputy group in the Duma, A. Arinin joined the PDR faction.

The press proclaims itself the conservative party of the Russian regions. It claims to represent and embody the spirit of cautious attitude towards reforms, which is really characteristic of a significant part of the Russian provinces, trying to give this mood not a "communist", but a moderate outlet.

The orientation towards the specific goal of improving the federal structure of the country is declared, and the entire press program is tied to this task. Improvement is seen through the implementation of two ideas: strengthening the independence and responsibility of the republics and other regions of Russia within a framework compatible with federalism; and the consolidation on this basis of the entire federation, headed by a "strong center", as necessary for the well-being of the republics and regions. As the leader and creator of the press, S. Shakhrai, repeatedly emphasized, the press was born as a response to three urgent needs: to activate the regions, many of which do not want to take over

One of the main ways to achieve the goals is seen as "territorial justice" - the principle of equalizing the prerogatives and powers of all regions. It also provides for a general transfer of power from the center to the regions to the greatest possible extent. This is seen, in particular, as one of the ways to overcome the economic and social crises in Russia, as well as to normalize interethnic relations. In line with this plan, the slogans of "economic federalism" and a broad cultural-national economy have been put forward.

The general economic basis of all this is a socially oriented market economy. The state principle in the economy is not accentuated.

In the 1996 presidential election, the press supported B. Yeltsin.

SHAKHRAY Sergey Mikhailovich:

Born in 1956 in Simferopol. Graduated legal faculty Rostov University. PhD in Law. Prior to his election in 1990 as a People's Deputy of the RSFSR, he headed the Laboratory of Legal Information and Cybernetics of the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University. He was elected chairman of the Committee on Legislation of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. Since 1991 - State Advisor of the RSFSR for Legal Policy. In December 1991 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Russia. Represented the President of the Russian Federation at the trial of the "case of the CPSU" in the Constitutional Court of Russia. In November 1992 he was appointed chairman state committee for National Policy and Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation. Became the initiator and one of the organizers of the PRES. At the beginning of 1994, he was appointed Minister of the Russian Federation for Nationalities and Regional Policy, a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

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Abstract on the topic:

Party of Russian Unity and Accord (fraction)

PRES Logo

Party of Russian Unity and Accord, (PRES) - a faction in the State Duma of Russia of the 1st convocation. The Party of Russian Unity and Consent was created at the end of 1992. In the 1993 elections, the PRES was the second (after Russia's Choice) party to represent the current executive power. It included four acting ministers of the Government of the Russian Federation: Sergei Shakhrai, Alexander Shokhin, Yuri Kalmykov and Gennady Melikyan. The party was financially supported by Gazprom and its subsidiaries, as well as the All-Russian Exchange Bank, Imperial Bank, Altayenergobank and other large enterprises. In the 1993 elections, the PRES won more than 6% of the vote and entered the State Duma.

The political orientation of the faction is moderate liberalism, the development of interethnic relations, support for the social programs of the state, the preservation of the territorial integrity of Russia, support for the Government and the President of Russia. In the elections to the State Duma of the 2nd convocation in 1995, it won about 1% of the vote, after which it actually ceased to exist. Its ideological successor in the State Duma of the next convocation is the Interregional Movement "Unity" ("Bear").

Notable MPs

• Goryachev Mark Leonidovich
• Sergei Shakhrai
• Konstantin Zatulin
• Alexander Shokhin
• Vladimir Tumanov

Notes

1. Yanaev, E. Democrats prepared much better than their rivals // Kommersant daily. No. 214, November 6, 1993 - www.kommersant.ru/doc.aspx?docsid=64053

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This abstract is based on an article from the Russian Wikipedia. Synchronization completed on 07/11/11 14:35:08
Related abstracts: People's Consent Party , Unity and Development Party , Peace and Unity Party ,

History. To an even greater extent than the "Choice of Russia", the definition of "party of power" was suitable for the Party of Russian Unity and Consent, created in 1993 by Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian government Sergei Shakhrai. If the position of "Russia's Choice" was a very concrete and consistent expression of a certain political line (liberalism), then in the creation of the PRES with its rather vague platform (socially-oriented market economy, federalism, ensuring equal rights for the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, development of local self-government) it is quite clear the intention was visible executive power- prepare a kind of "second echelon" of political support for the executive branch. Moreover, if the “Choice of Russia” was formed on the whole on the basis of the structures of the democratic movement, and representatives of the local and central administration were simply part of it or supported it, then the PRES from the very beginning relied on the administrative resources of the State Committee for National Affairs (a department headed by S. Shakhrai), and all regional structures of the party were formed primarily with the participation of representatives of this department in the field. As for the public organizations involved in the creation of the party, here, too, preference was given not to political movements, but to corporate public associations "tied" to regional issues and having local branches (the Union of Small Towns of Russia, the Union Russian cities etc.).
For the first time, S. Shakhrai announced his intention to create the Party of Russian Unity and Accord in June 1993. The party was founded in October of the same year and took part in the elections to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in the fall. The federal list of PRES includes 4 ministers (S. Shakhrai, A. Shokhin, Y. Kalmykov, G. Melikyan). During the election campaign, S. Shakhrai announced his support for Prime Minister V. Chernomyrdin (in contrast to the "Choice of Russia", which staked on Y. Gaidar). On December 12, 1993, the PRES received 6.73% of the votes and formed the eponymous faction of 30 deputies in the State Duma of the 1st convocation (18 elected on the federal list and 12 in single-mandate districts). At the same time, out of 12 single-mandate candidates, only 1 was elected as an official candidate from the party. During the work of the State Duma, the faction noticeably decreased, decreasing by the fall of 1995 to 15 people.
After the departure of S. Shakhrai from the post of Minister for Nationalities Affairs (autumn 1994) and the loss of his influence in the presidential environment, the PRES was no longer considered by anyone as a "party of power." In the spring of 1995, the party became one of the co-founders of the Our Home is Russia movement (according to some information, S. Shakhrai was one of the authors of the idea of ​​creating two "centrist blocs"). However, when it became clear that the PRES would not be able to play any significant role in the PDR, the party announced its withdrawal from the movement and took part independently in the elections on December 17, in which it received 0.36% of the vote. Party leader S. Shakhrai was elected to the State Duma in a single-mandate constituency. In anticipation presidential elections the leadership of the PRES declared its support for B. Yeltsin.
PRES was registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on October 21, 1993.
Program guidelines. The founding congress of the PRES (October 16-17, 1993) adopted a Political Declaration, which served as the party's election platform in the 1993 elections. The PRES defined its course as "moving forward", but with the rejection of "radicalism". The principles and goals of the party were declared: the unity and integrity of Russia; the priority of human rights; inviolability of property rights; equality; civil society; democracy; federalism and local self-government; separation of powers; market and efficient social Security; protecting the interests of Russian enterprises and the policy of reasonable protectionism; support for large production and financial corporations capable of pursuing an independent investment and scientific and technical policy; reconstruction of a common economic space and destroyed economic ties on the territory of the former USSR; development of confederate relations within the CIS; "foreign policy of a great world power", etc.
The 1st Congress of the PRES (February 26-27, 1994) adopted the "Basic Provisions of the PRES Program" as a basis. In general, the program was adopted only at the II Congress (September 23, 1995). According to this document, the PRES assumed the role of "an all-Russian conservative party - the party of the Russian provinces, whose activities are based on the conservative values ​​of the Russian peoples." The goal of the PRES was declared to be the preservation of the Russian state as a federation of strong regions. The principles of activity are conservatism, federalism, self-organization. At the same time, conservatism was interpreted as "social security, reliance on the family, morality, spirituality"; federalism as a "territorial form of democracy"; self-organization - as an all-round encouragement of local self-government. Among the tasks of the party in the program were named the formation of a public market economy, the reform of the state system and local self-government, an effective national policy, the promotion of the spiritual revival of Russia, the restoration of Russia's decisive influence on international politics, etc.
At the time of registration, the PRES had 575 members. For the summer of 1995, the membership of the PRES was estimated by the party leadership at 31 thousand people, and the number of regional organizations - at 64. In reality, the party was hardly more than 3-5 thousand people. In the summer-autumn of 1995, a significant part of the regional organizations of the PRES moved to the Congress of Russian Communities or the Our Home is Russia movement.
The party is led by the Federal Council, the first composition of which was approved by the founding congress (October 17, 1993). S. Shakhrai was elected the chairman of the party. The 1st Congress of the PRES (February 26-27, 1994) re-elected S. Shakhrai as party chairman, approved the new composition of the Federal Council (85 people, including 19 deputies of the Federal Assembly and 54 representatives of the regions), elected the Presidium of the Federal Council of 11 people. The functions of the apparatus are performed by the Executive Committee of the PRES, whose chairman at the plenum of the Federal Assembly on July 5, 1994 was approved by Alexander Arinin.

4.2.4. Association "Yabloko"

History. In contrast to the "Choice of Russia" (and even more so from the PRES), the "Yabloko" association has always cultivated the image of an antagonist of the "party of power", i.e. unconditional "opposition party". What distinguishes Yabloko from democratic organizations of the "first wave" is that it is a party of the "new" opposition (that is, it primarily opposes not so much the forces of "communist revenge" as the course pursued by the president and the government of the Russian Federation), but from representatives opposition, both "irreconcilable" and "constructive" ("centrist") - the fact that, for all its opposition, Yabloko adheres to a democratic (reformist, liberal) orientation, and public figures of a democratic orientation form the basis of its political asset, for various reasons not fit into the new system of power relations.
To an even greater extent than Russia's Choice, Yabloko is an organization "made for a leader." If Y. Gaidar became the leader of BP primarily because he could substantiate a well-known political line most deeply and consistently, then it can be said about Yabloko that its leader G. Yavlinsky is its political line, since it has the ability to quite arbitrarily change specific details the latter (provided that he continues to maintain the image of a reformist oppositionist). The validity of this statement is evidenced by a comparison of the history of Russia's Choice and Yabloko. If the creation of Russia's Choice, even with the obvious leadership of Gaidar, was the result of "collective creativity", then the formation of Yabloko began with G. Yavlinsky's search for allies in the person of various public and political organizations. Moreover, it was he who was the choosing party, and his right to this was, as it were, implied by itself. In this regard, G. Yavlinsky could afford to quickly weed out partners who had become unnecessary to him without any damage to himself. So, in the spring of 1993, having just “returned” to politics, he became close to the head of the “Entrepreneurs for a New Russia” association, Konstantin Zatulin, but by autumn, realizing the insignificance of the OPNR as a political organization, and its leader as a political figure, he found new associates. They were Russian Ambassador to the United States Vladimir Lukin, former head of the Control Department of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation Yuri Boldyrev, as well as three political parties - the Republican Party of the Russian Federation, the Social Democratic Party of Russia and the Russian Christian Democratic Union - New Democracy party. Created on this basis, the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc (abbreviated as Yabloko) received 7.86% of the vote in the December 12, 1993 elections and formed a faction of the same name in the State Duma of the first convocation.
Later, G. Yavlinsky refused the "services" of the RPRF, the SDPR and the RCDU and began to form his own structure on the basis of the Yabloko faction in the Duma. The founding congress of the Yabloko association took place on January 5-6, 1995. G. Yavlinsky was elected chairman of the association, V. Lukin and Yu. Boldyrev were elected vice-chairmen (he left the association in September 1995). At the same time, the charter adopted at the congress did not allow collective membership in the association of other political organizations (only the entry of regional organizations was allowed political parties to the regional branches of Yabloko and the individual membership of the activists of these parties in the association).
In the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation, Yabloko acted as an independent electoral association, and of the representatives of "outside" organizations, only the chairman of the Mining and Metallurgical Trade Union of Russia, Boris Misnik, was included in the central part of the federal list. The leaders of the SDPR and the party "Democratic Alternative" (created in February 1995 by V. Shostakovsky and I. Yakovenko, who left the RPRF) were not included in the central part of the Yabloko list. In the December 17, 1995 elections, Yabloko received 6.89% of the vote and formed a faction of 46 deputies in the State Duma of the second convocation (31 elected on the federal list, 15 in single-mandate districts).
The third congress of the Yabloko association, held on January 27-28, 1996, nominated G. Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. In the first round of elections, G. Yavlinsky took fourth place, receiving 7.34% of the vote.
The All-Russian Public Association "Yabloko" was registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on February 10, 1995.
Program guidelines. In the 1993 elections, the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin bloc came up with an election platform that criticized the reforms being implemented in the country for trying to "immediately replace state regulation economy on monetary instruments of its management", for the absence of a "smart social and antimonopoly policy", etc. Blok advocated a broad discussion in society and the new parliament of the draft new Constitution of the Russian Federation, for giving the Federal Assembly constituent functions. In the field of economics - for the maximum possible the rapid destruction of monopolies, the full support of competition, the creation of conditions for "cautious and non-violent land reform", "regulation and clarification of property relations", a significant expansion of the private sector. market space and a defense alliance), state guarantees for the existence of a wide variety of forms of self-organization of citizens, etc.
The founding conference of Yabloko (January 5-6, 1995) was limited to the adoption of the Declaration of Association. A closed conference on June 17-18, 1995 adopted the program documents of the association as working ones, and the II Congress (September 1-3, 1995) - as a basis. In these documents, Yabloko declared itself a "democratic movement advocating the creation of a rule of law state with a market, socially oriented economy and a strong army"; expressing the interests of the broad middle class; who are in constructive democratic opposition to power. In the sphere of politics, Yabloko advocated a clear delineation of powers between the branches of power, the definition of the measure and forms of government responsibility to the Federal Assembly, the limitation and clarification of the powers of the president, the adoption of a holistic electoral law, the consistent decentralization of state power, and the creation of conditions for the development of local self-government. In the economic sphere - for the creation of a large middle class, the implementation of cost-effective privatization and demonopolization, state support for small businesses, "implementation of a decisive maneuver to stimulate production in industries of high stages of processing and final demand." In the field of foreign policy - for priority attention to relations with the former Soviet republics, the conclusion of an Economic Union with them, in the field of defense - for effective military reform, etc.
Number. governing bodies. Leaders. As of September 1995, 58 regional Yabloko organizations were registered, but as a rule they do not have an extensive organizational structure at the district and local levels. The most active territorial organizations of Yabloko are located in Moscow, St. Petersburg, the republics of Adygea and Udmurtia, Moscow, Tula and Omsk regions. Regional organizations of Yabloko may include regional organizations of other parties (this is not allowed at the federal level). Members and active supporters (including collective members) of Yabloko at the end of 1995 numbered several tens of thousands.
The governing body of the association is the Central Council, formed from representatives of regional organizations and members of the Duma faction. The first composition of the Central Council (46 people) was elected at the founding congress (January 5-6, 1995). The working body of the Central Council is the Bureau (the first composition of 14 people was formed at the founding congress from members of the Duma faction "Yabloko"). G. Yavlinsky was elected chairman of the association at the founding congress, and Y. Boldyrev and V. Lukin were elected vice-chairmen. Before the II Congress of "Yabloko" (September 1-3, 1995), one of its founders, Yu. Boldyrev, left the association (as a sign of disagreement with the support of the Duma faction "Yabloko" of laws on production sharing and on the Central Bank). At the III Congress (January 28, 1996), amendments were made to the charter of Yabloko, according to which, instead of two equal deputy chairmen, the posts of first deputy chairman and just deputy were introduced (V. Lukin and State Duma deputy S. Ivanenko became them). 57 people were elected to the new Central Council. At a closed plenum of the Central Council of Yabloko on February 18, 1996, a Bureau of the Central Council of 12 people was elected, headed by G. Yavlinsky.

4.2.5. "Go Russia!"

History. According to the method of creating the movement "Forward, Russia!" in many ways it is a slightly exaggerated analogue of the Yabloko association. If the latter was "made" under G. Yavlinsky, then the movement "Forward, Russia!" - under former minister Finance Boris Fedorov. Just like Yabloko, B. Fedorov's movement claimed the role of "democratic opposition" - with the difference that the ideological position of the Verkhovna Rada was distinguished by a clear "demopatriotic" (national-liberal) orientation: "Forward, Russia!" was, in particular, the only democratic organization that fully supported the entry of federal troops into Chechnya.
For the classical scheme of political delimitation, national liberalism is quite a typical phenomenon. National liberals, or national democrats, as a rule, are supporters of private property and a market economy, on the one hand, and rigid unitarians in the field of national-territorial politics, on the other. In all the republics of the former USSR, except for the Russian Federation, national liberalism is one of the leading political doctrines. In Russia, the concepts of "nationalism" ("patriotism") and "liberalism" turned out to be at opposite poles. In the political spectrum of Russia there is a place for both national communism and social patriotism, but national liberalism manifests itself only sporadically. So, among the supporters of the national-liberal doctrine can be attributed to the participants in the 1990-91 period. bloc "People's Consent" (DPR, KDP-PNS, RCDD) who spoke, on the one hand, for radical economic reforms, and on the other, for the preservation of the USSR and the implementation of a rather tough unitary policy in the field of the national-territorial structure of the Russian Federation. Later, the liberal element in their doctrines noticeably "exhausted": the RCDD and the KDP-PNS quite organically joined the ranks of the so-called. "right-left" opposition, and the DPR switched to social-etatist positions. The ideology of national liberalism received a new incarnation in the activities of the Forward, Russia! movement.
The movement was formed on February 18, 1995 on the basis of the Liberal Democratic Foundation (established in 1994; leader - B. Fedorov) and that part of the deputy group "Liberal Democratic Union on December 12", which, following B. Fedorov, approved the military decision the Chechen issue. The governing bodies of the BP movement were formed mainly from members of the LDS 12 December.
Despite the claims of B. Fedorov, who claimed that "Forward, Russia!" in the near future, it will take the place of one of the most influential democratic organizations, pushing aside the "Democratic Choice of Russia" (at one of the press conferences, Fedorov compared Yabloko with the British Laborites, his association with the Conservatives, and the FER with the few liberals), elections 17 December showed that the most that BP can count on in the camp of democrats is third place: "Forward, Russia!" received 1.94% of the votes.
During the preparation of the presidential elections, the leader of the movement B. Fedorov spoke out in support of B. Yeltsin, however, the III conference of the movement (February 17, 1996) preferred not to make a final decision and instructed its leader to start negotiations on this issue with other democratic forces and agree to support a single candidate only if certain conditions are met (including the formation of a coalition government). However, on May 26, the IV Conference decided to support B. Yeltsin without any preconditions and even appealed to G. Yavlinsky, S. Fedorov, A. Lebed and M. Gorbachev to withdraw their candidacies in favor of the incumbent president. B. Fedorov participated in the presidential campaign as a confidant of B. Yeltsin.
Movement "Forward, Russia!" registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on April 14, 1995.
Program guidelines. Election program and political Manifesto of the movement "Forward, Russia!" were adopted at the founding conference (February 18-19, 1995). The main principles of the movement in the program documents are: the priority of the individual, human rights and personal freedom; a strong state as a guarantor of rights and freedoms; democracy, order and legality; "the unity of Russia on the basis of a combination of interests of all parties"; market economy. The movement called for a clear delineation of responsibility between government bodies; reduction of the central state apparatus; the equal status of all subjects of the Federation, the suppression of separatism and, at the same time, the expansion of the rights of the regions, the creation of full-fledged local governments; reform of the legal system in line with international standards; tougher penalties for crimes against persons and property; reform of the armed forces, reduction of their number to 1 million people and full professionalization of the composition; active foreign policy Russia, the inclusion in the Constitution of an article on the desire to unite with Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan; real public policy family support, targeted assistance to those most in need; stimulating economic recovery and employment; tightening financial discipline, eliminating the budget deficit and inflation; rejection of the fiscal-punitive nature of taxes and their fair distribution; protection of private property, land privatization; removal of restrictions on the access of private capital to all spheres of industry and on the movement of goods and services between the subjects of the federation; support for entrepreneurship, small business; "reasonable protectionism", protection of domestic producers, etc.
Number. governing bodies. Leaders. At the time of its creation, the movement, according to its leaders, had 75 regional branches, the most active of which were in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Moscow, Sverdlovsk, Smolensk, Rostov, Tambov, Leningrad regions, Kabardino-Balkaria. In the summer of 1995, the Forward, Russia! movement, according to its leadership, had about 30,000 members. In reality, its number of movements hardly went beyond 2-3 thousand people.
The governing body of the movement is the Coordinating Council, the first of which consisted of 20 people (half of them were members of the LDS December 12 deputy group) was elected at the founding conference. December" (B. Fedorov, Vadim Boyko, Alexander Zhukov, Vasily Kovalev, Alexander Traspov, Igor Ustinov), as well as the executive director of the Liberal Democratic Foundation Alexei Morozov. The apparatus of the movement was headed by Valentin Zavadnenko. B. Fedorov was elected president of the movement, III conference Association (February 17, 1996) expressed "full confidence" in him.